Tuesday, February 17, 2026

OMAR, CLARE & MILITIAMAN: Iraqi Dinar Update: The Wiring Is Done… But The Switch Hasn’t Been Flipped

The conversation surrounding Iraq’s monetary reform continues to intensify. Political commentary, strategic messaging, and financial reform signals are all moving in parallel. But despite the mounting speculation, several critical elements have NOT been officially announced.

Let’s break down exactly what is missing — and why it matters.

What Has NOT Been Officially Announced?

According to multiple analysts following developments closely, three major announcements are still absent:

1️⃣ The New Exchange Rate

Despite ongoing discussions about monetary reform and closing economic gaps, no official new exchange rate has been released by the Central Bank of Iraq (CBI).

If Iraq were to formally adjust its currency value to reflect broader economic reforms, it would require:

A public CBI declaration
Official documentation
Publication across recognized financial channels

Until that happens, the exchange rate remains unchanged in official capacity.

Read also: Gifted ZIM Holders, 800 Numbers, and Redemption Timeline Explained by Bruce
2️⃣ A Reinstatement (RI) or International Float

There has been no formal announcement of:

A reinstatement to a prior rate
A managed float
A free-market international float

These actions would fundamentally alter Iraq’s financial position in global markets and would require international coordination and transparency.

Without a CBI press release confirming such a move, speculation remains just that — speculation.

3️⃣ A Public Declaration That the Dinar Is Globally Traded

There has been no official statement declaring the Iraqi dinar freely tradable worldwide.

For a currency to be globally traded, it typically requires:

Recognition on international forex platforms
Settlement infrastructure confirmation
Compliance with global financial standards

Again, none of this has been formally announced.

“The Wiring Is Done. The Switch Hasn’t Been Flipped.”

This metaphor perfectly captures the moment many observers believe Iraq is in right now.

Financial systems may be upgraded.
Banking reforms may be in place.
International compliance may be aligned.

But until the Central Bank of Iraq flips the switch with an official declaration, the reform remains incomplete from a public standpoint.

Political Signals: Noise or Coordination?

Trump’s Comments on Iraqi Leadership

A recent article titled “Trump comments on the coordinating framework candidate: We have some options” referenced remarks by Donald Trump.

According to reporting from Rudaw Network, Trump responded to questions about potential Iraqi leadership by stating:

“We are looking at a prime minister, we will see what happens, we have some ideas on the subject, in the end everyone needs the United States.”

This statement signals that U.S.–Iraq relations remain strategically important — particularly during financial restructuring.

Political alignment often precedes economic shifts. Stability and international cooperation are essential before any major currency action can occur.

The “Magic Trick” Effect: Watch Both Hands

One analyst described the situation as a magic trick:

Right hand → Political noise
Left hand → Financial reform implementation

While headlines focus on political debates, structural financial changes may be advancing quietly in the background.

The so-called “gatekeepers” appear to be pursuing:

A controlled transition
A credible reform pathway
A move toward a more market-reflective system

If true, this would prioritize long-term stability over sudden shock adjustments.

Why a Formal CBI Announcement Matters

Only the Central Bank of Iraq has the authority to:

Announce a new exchange rate
Confirm reinstatement
Declare international tradability

Until such an announcement occurs:

✔ No confirmed rate change
✔ No confirmed float
✔ No confirmed global trading status

Everything else remains preparatory.

Featured Snippet: What Hasn’t Been Announced About Iraq’s Monetary Reform?

Three key elements have not been officially announced by the Central Bank of Iraq:

A new exchange rate
A reinstatement or international float
A public declaration that the Iraqi dinar is globally traded

Without formal confirmation from the CBI, monetary reform remains incomplete at the public level.

Q&A Section

❓ Has Iraq officially changed the dinar exchange rate?

No. The Central Bank of Iraq has not issued a formal announcement confirming a new exchange rate.

❓ Is the Iraqi dinar internationally tradable right now?

There has been no official declaration from the CBI stating that the dinar is globally traded on open forex markets.

❓ What is a reinstatement vs. a float?

Reinstatement (RI): Returning to a previous exchange rate.
Float: Allowing the currency’s value to be determined by supply and demand in global markets.

Neither has been officially confirmed.

❓ Why is political stability important for monetary reform?

Currency valuation depends heavily on:

Government stability
International partnerships
Compliance with global banking standards

Political alignment often precedes major economic moves.

Key Takeaways

No new exchange rate has been announced.
No reinstatement or float has been declared.
No official statement confirms global trading status.
Political coordination appears ongoing.
The system may be ready — but the formal activation has not happened.

“The wiring is done. The switch hasn’t been flipped.”

Final Thoughts

This moment appears to be one of positioning, preparation, and precision timing.

Major monetary reforms do not happen casually. They require:

International alignment
Political stability
Banking infrastructure readiness
Central bank authority

Until a formal statement is issued by the Central Bank of Iraq, patience and discernment remain essential.

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— Omar

Hashtags

#IraqiDinar #DinarRevaluation #MonetaryReform #CBI #IraqEconomy #ForexNews #GlobalMarkets #CurrencyUpdate #BreakingNews #FinancialFreedom #MiddleEastEconomy #Trump #IraqPolitics

Omar

What has not been officially announced? #1 the new exchange rate to fill in the gap of all this [monetary reform] they're talking about. #2 A reinstatement or international float. #3 A public statement that the dinar is now globally traded. Those require a formal CBI announcement and they haven't issued that yet...The wiring is done. The switch hasn't been flipped.

Clare

Article: "Trump comments on the coordinating framework candidate: We have some options" Quote: "Days after his blog post, in which he spoke of not cooperating with Iraq if Nouri al-Maliki were chosen as prime minister, US President Donald Trump returned with a new statement...Trump, in response to a question from a Rudaw Network reporter about whether he had a veto on Nouri al-Maliki, said: 'We are looking at a prime minister, we will see what happens, we have some ideas on the subject, in the end everyone needs the United States."

Militia Man

Gatekeepers are getting exactly what they want, a controlled, credible transition to a more market reflective system...They're telling us in full force we're doing these things. The political noise is...the right hand. Left hand, pay attention. [Like a magic trick].

FIREFLY: There was a reason why the rate was protected in the Gazette for so long!! #iqd

Why US–Iran talks keep failing, and why tensions persist

Shafaq News

For more than two decades, negotiations between the United States and Iran have followed a familiar cycle: escalation, talks, temporary calm, then renewed confrontation. Despite repeated diplomatic efforts, in Baghdad, Geneva, Vienna, Doha, and most recently Muscat, lasting breakthroughs have remained elusive.

The latest Oman talks may also fit squarely within this pattern. The persistent failure of these negotiations is not rooted in poor diplomacy or lack of channels, but in deeper structural contradictions that repeatedly undermine any progress. At the core of the impasse lies a basic mismatch in how Washington and Tehran define the problem. Washington approaches negotiations with Iran as a “comprehensive security challenge.”

Over time, US demands have expanded well beyond the nuclear file to include Iran’s ballistic missile program, its support for armed groups across Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen, and, increasingly, its internal governance and human rights record. From the American perspective, these issues are “interconnected” and cannot be meaningfully separated.

Iran, by contrast, views negotiations almost exclusively through the lens of sanctions relief. Iranian officials insist that talks focus solely on the nuclear program, arguing that missiles, regional alliances, and domestic politics fall under national sovereignty and defensive necessity.

This divergence means both sides often enter negotiations with incompatible agendas, reducing talks to crisis management rather than conflict resolution. Iran’s leverage does not primarily rest on its nuclear program, but on capabilities it consistently refuses to negotiate: its missile arsenal and its regional network of allied armed groups. Iran possesses one of the largest ballistic missile inventories in the Middle East, while its regional partners have demonstrated the ability to strike US assets and allies across multiple theaters since 2019. These tools form the backbone of Tehran’s deterrence strategy. From Iran’s perspective, surrendering them in exchange for sanctions relief -which can be reversed- would amount to strategic disarmament.

The calculus explains why Iranian negotiators may have consistently rejected efforts to “broaden” talks. Even when agreements are reached, they suffer from a credibility deficit. The 2015 nuclear agreement demonstrated that Iran could meet technical obligations: IAEA monitoring confirmed compliance for nearly three years. Yet the US withdrawal in 2018 reinforced Tehran’s belief that American commitments are subject to electoral cycles, not binding state policy.

The asymmetry is central and seen when Iran is repeatedly asked to make long-term, technically irreversible concessions, while sanctions relief remains politically reversible in Washington. This experience has hardened Iran’s negotiating posture, particularly as US sanctions now number in the thousands, affecting banking, energy exports, shipping, and currency access. Both sides have institutionalized escalation as a negotiating tool. Iran has responded to diplomatic pressure by raising uranium enrichment levels, from the JCPOA cap of 3.67% to levels exceeding 60%, while also regional tensions rise through its allied groups. The United States, meanwhile, has relied on economic sanctions, military deployments, and explicit threats to extract concessions. Over time, this dynamic has normalized brinkmanship.

Talks are often triggered not by trust, but by fear of uncontrolled escalation. Once immediate pressure subsides, incentives to compromise fade. Recent military strikes in the 12-day June 2025 war and explicit threats have further complicated diplomacy. Talks conducted under the shadow of force rarely produce flexibility. Instead, they strengthen hardliners, narrow political space for compromise, and frame negotiations as acts of resistance rather than problem-solving. In Iran’s case, external pressure has reinforced the narrative that “deterrence, not accommodation, guarantees survival.” This framing limits political room for compromise

and turns negotiations into symbols of resistance rather than instruments of resolution.

Confrontation itself serves domestic political purposes on both sides. In Washington, a hard line on Iran signals resolve to allies and voters. In Tehran, sustained external hostility helps justify internal controls, deflect economic grievances, and consolidate power within security institutions. Periods of heightened tension often coincide with greater political influence for security bodies inside Iran.

Peace, by contrast, removes a useful external adversary and introduces domestic political risk. US–Iran talks rarely fail because diplomacy is insufficient. They fail because the underlying conflict remains strategically useful and structurally unresolved. The only period of genuine progress came when negotiations were narrowly focused, regional issues were deferred, and sanctions relief was clearly defined. Absent a fundamental shift -either a willingness by Iran to negotiate its broader power or an ability by the United States to offer lasting economic normalization- talks will continue to manage tension rather than resolve it. In this sense, recurring negotiations are mechanisms designed to prevent confrontation from spiraling out of control, not signs of imminent peace.

Written and edited by Shafaq News staff.

MNT GOAT: 🇮🇶 Iraq Dinar Reinstatement & U.S. Policy: Trump, Maliki, and the Geopolitical Power Shift in 2026

As 2026 unfolds, a strong narrative is circulating among Iraqi dinar investors:

That the future reinstatement (RI) or revaluation (RV) of the Iraqi dinar depends heavily on U.S. foreign policy — specifically under Donald Trump — and the removal of Iranian influence inside Iraq.

Let’s examine the geopolitical argument, the economic realities, and what investors should carefully consider.

🏛️ U.S. Foreign Policy & Iraqi Stability

It is widely acknowledged that U.S.–Iraq relations influence:

Security cooperation
Military assistance
Energy sector partnerships
Banking compliance frameworks
Sanctions enforcement

The argument being presented is that President Trump’s administration will not compromise on limiting outside influence — particularly from Iran — in Iraqi political structures.

From a strategic standpoint, U.S. administrations generally seek:

✔ A stable Iraqi government
✔ Reduced militia influence
✔ Secure oil infrastructure
✔ Compliance with international banking rules
✔ Alignment with broader regional security goals

These factors absolutely impact investor confidence.

👤 The Maliki Factor

Former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki remains a controversial political figure.

Critics argue:

He fostered sectarian division during prior terms.
His alliances increased Iranian leverage inside Iraq.
His leadership era coincided with economic and security volatility.

Supporters argue:

He remains influential within political coalitions.
He represents certain internal power blocs.

Whether or not he holds formal office, Iraq’s political alignment affects international perception — which in turn influences economic reform momentum.

🌍 Does Removing Iranian Influence Trigger a Revaluation?

This is where analysis must be careful.

Geopolitical stability absolutely supports currency strength.
However, exchange rates are not set purely by political preference.

The Central Bank of Iraq determines exchange rate policy based on:

Foreign reserves
Inflation rates
Money supply
Trade balance
External debt
Market confidence

While reduced foreign interference could improve economic confidence, a reinstatement or revaluation must align with macroeconomic fundamentals.

💰 What Would “Reinstatement” Actually Mean?

In dinar investor terminology:

Reinstatement (RI) refers to restoring a previous historical rate.
Revaluation (RV) refers to adjusting the official exchange rate upward.

Officially, Iraq currently operates under a managed exchange rate regime.

Any major change would require:

Coordinated fiscal and monetary policy
Banking system readiness
International settlement capability
Domestic economic stability

It cannot be implemented solely by U.S. executive preference.

📌 Featured Snippet: Does U.S. Policy Determine the Iraqi Dinar Rate?

No. While U.S. foreign policy influences Iraq’s stability and economic environment, the exchange rate of the Iraqi dinar is determined exclusively by the Central Bank of Iraq based on monetary and economic conditions.

🏗️ “Make Iraq Great Again” – Economic Reform Vision

The broader vision often referenced includes:

Transforming Iraq into an energy powerhouse
Expanding private sector growth
Strengthening banking transparency
Integrating into global trade systems

These objectives align with long-term reform frameworks already discussed between Iraq and international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund.

But economic transformation is a multi-year structural process — not a single event.

🧠 What Investors Should Realistically Watch

Instead of focusing solely on political personalities, monitor:

✔ Official Central Bank statements
✔ Reserve growth levels
✔ Inflation trends
✔ Budget execution progress
✔ Oil export performance
✔ Banking digitization milestones
✔ Parallel market exchange gaps

These indicators provide measurable signals of monetary readiness.

❓ Q&A: Iraq Dinar & U.S. Political Influence

Q1: Could a Trump administration accelerate reforms?

U.S. policy can influence security cooperation and diplomatic alignment, but Iraq’s monetary authority remains independent.

Q2: Does removing Maliki guarantee an RV?

No. Leadership changes may affect confidence, but exchange rates depend on economic fundamentals.

Q3: Is Iranian influence a factor?

Yes, in terms of regional stability and investor perception. However, currency valuation requires broader structural alignment.

Q4: Is a reinstatement only possible under one U.S. president?

There is no official evidence that currency reform depends exclusively on a specific U.S. administration.

📊 The Bigger Picture

Iraq’s economic future will likely be shaped by:

Internal political cohesion
Reduction of militia influence
Strengthened institutional governance
Reserve-backed monetary discipline
International financial compliance

Geopolitical shifts may accelerate or slow reform momentum — but the exchange rate itself is a technical monetary decision.

🔥 Hashtags

#IraqDinar #DinarReinstatement #TrumpPolicy #Maliki #IranInfluence #IraqEconomy #CurrencyReform #MiddleEastPolitics #ForexNews #GlobalFinance #IQDUpdate #MonetaryPolicy #Geopolitics

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Mnt Goat

We see in articles...that the US, under President Trump is not going to backdown, compromise or negotiate and thus allow any outside nation, most importantly Iran, to influence Iraqi politics...if President Trump is going to work with Iraq to mold it into the financial and economic powerhouse, he must have a government in place that he can work with and will not betray his foreign policy...

Nori al-Maliki...time and time again...has not lived up to agreements and promises made to the US. Instead, he has chosen to work with dark elements behind the scenes of US foreign policy and Iranian influence...we have read many articles already on the Trump dream to “Make Iraq Great Again”...As investors, if we have any chance of seeing the reinstatement of the Iraqi dinar and thus revaluation, if will be under the Trump administration.

AJ: A unified exchange rate has to happen 1st before the CBI can revalue its currency. #iraqidinar

Iraqi Army after US-led Coalition withdrawal: Can Baghdad achieve full military sovereignty?

Shafaq News

The Iraqi Armed Forces face significant responsibility in securing the country’s borders and protecting the state from internal and external threats following the withdrawal of Global Coalition forces from Iraq. This transition represents an opportunity to demonstrate the Iraqi Army’s ability to assume full responsibility without relying on external support, while focusing on building a professional national army trained and equipped with the latest weapons and military technologies.

The history of the Iraqi Army spans more than a century, during which it was, for decades, among the most prominent armies in the region and the world. It fought internal and external battles, from the harsh war with Iran and the invasion of Kuwait to confronting the US invasion and later battling ISIS.

Professionalism Under Pressure

The spokesperson for the Commander-in-Chief of the Iraqi Armed Forces, Sabah Al-Numan, affirmed that Iraq is moving steadily toward building “a professional military system based on accumulated field experience from battles resolved in favor of the state,” noting that this vision “is grounded in a unified national doctrine and exclusive loyalty to the state and constitution.”

Regarding armament, Al-Numan told Shafaq News that the Iraqi Army also seeks to achieve technical self-sufficiency by reviving domestic military manufacturing and localizing military technology, while developing air power, preparing for cyber warfare, and utilizing the army’s expertise in urban warfare and combating terrorist groups, “to become among the leading armies in the region in terms of equipment and manpower.”

There remains, however, a path full of obstacles to strengthening the Iraqi Army. Although Iraq’s 2008 Strategic Framework

Agreement with the United States established a formal security partnership —centered on training, equipping, and supporting Iraqi Security Forces— it fell short of addressing the country’s full military and security requirements. The gap became more apparent as Washington attached complex conditions to arms deals with Baghdad, limiting Iraq’s ability to procure and deploy critical capabilities.

To be sure, US support did not disappear. Between 2015 and 2024, Washington has provided Iraq with $1.25 billion in Foreign Military Financing to bolster its security forces, logistics, and counterterrorism efforts, in addition to more than $590 million allocated to weapons destruction programs. Yet this assistance, while significant, focused largely on stabilization and counterterrorism rather than on building a fully autonomous, strategically equipped army capable of regional deterrence.

Compounding the challenge, the United States faced pressure from regional allies, including Israel and several Gulf states, which opposed supplying Iraq with advanced weaponry that could shift the regional balance of power. These governments feared that expanding Iraq’s military capacity might indirectly strengthen Iran’s influence. As a result, Iraq endured prolonged security vulnerabilities —not only in negotiating arms contracts with Washington, but also in fully operating and deploying certain advanced weapons systems and equipment.

During the 1980s, the Iraqi Army ranked among the world’s strongest forces at the height of the war with Iran. That institutional power collapsed after the 2003 US invasion, when the head of the US-led CoalitionProvisional Authority, Paul Bremer, issued a decision dissolving the force, forcing Iraq to rebuild its military from scratch.

Over decades, the army had fought regional wars —including in 1948 following the declaration of “the State of Israel” in Palestine and the October 1973 war between Syria, Egypt, and Israel— and suppressed internal uprisings, most notably in the Kurdistan Region, which extended over many years, shaping both its operational doctrine and its political entanglements.

Today, Iraq ranks sixth in the Middle East according to the 2026 Global Firepower Index, but restoring strategic autonomy requires more than ranking positions; it demands functional independence.

Reform, Leadership, and Structural Weaknesses

The new Iraqi Army established after 2003 adopted a voluntary recruitment approach to build a professional military institution whose members choose military life willingly. However, one of the weaknesses negatively affecting the army’s efficiency, according to experts who spoke to Shafaq News, lies in “integration officers,” individuals affiliated with political entities who were incorporated into the army after the change of regime.

Military expert Alaa Al-Nashou believes that establishing a professional national army requires substantial resources, beginning with the formation of military schools, institutes, and academies to train officers and fighters, and extending to preparing divisions and corps capable of leading operations domestically and externally.

Al-Nashou told Shafaq News that preparing a professional soldier is not limited to physical training alone but includes physical and psychological preparation and tactical maneuvers enabling him to handle all military scenarios, from offensive and defensive operations to retreat combat. He stressed the need to establish mechanisms to ensure professionalism within the army, “most notably distancing the military institution from partisan and political conflicts, combating corruption and favoritism within it, and removing unqualified officers and ranks, especially integration officers.”

“Iraq needs to grant military formations direct authority to confront any border threat without interference from “armed factions,” he added, calling for the establishment of a military council composed of former commanders and officers to supervise the development of combat, organizational, and morale capabilities, in addition to sending military personnel to training courses both inside Iraq and abroad, particularly in countries with advanced military expertise such as the United States, Europe, and Russia.

Air Defense Gaps and the Sovereignty Question

The two experts agree that developing air power has become a decisive element in protecting Iraq. Between August 2024 and October 2025, the Iraqi Army received 15 US-made Bell 505 training aircraft, along with French Caracal helicopters designated for search and rescue, air transport, and ground support missions.

They noted that these aircraft represent a qualitative leap in military training and pilot qualification, while also contributing to providing fire support for ground forces and enhancing their flexibility. Iraq is also preparing to receive the South Korean M-SAM air defense system during the current month of February to ensure border protection from any potential airspace violations.

However, this is not sufficient, according to many experts who spoke to our agency. Iraq currently lacks comprehensive air defense weapons, advanced missile systems, early warning and air surveillance systems, and ground-based air defense capabilities, which are all crucial military capacities to address external threats. The Iraqi military institution also requires greater functional integration at the operational level. This shortcoming was evident in recent regional wars, where Iraq was unable to enforce its political position prohibiting the use of its airspace for attacks on Iran, a situation that could recur if a new round of US-Israeli confrontation with Tehran erupts.

Military expert Adnan Al-Kinani affirmed that Iraq now possesses advanced air capabilities, including fighter aircraft, drones, short, medium, and long-range ballistic missiles, and air defense systems to protect borders from violations, adding that Iraq has domestic military manufacturing to supply weapons and equipment in the event of aggression or import difficulties, diversified ground forces including special forces, infantry, mechanized infantry, armor, and artillery, as well as electronic warfare capabilities to counter modern threats.

He also stressed the importance of qualified national leadership to guide training, oversee armament, and execute operations, warning that “the presence of unqualified leaders poses a threat to the army’s ability to protect the state.”

There appears to be an urgent need to establish an Iraqi national security strategy that takes into account Iraq’s security requirements in the coming phase. The threat of ISIS remains present, while Israeli military dominance in the region, including its use of Iraqi airspace, raises alarm. The military advancements achieved by neighboring countries such as Turkiye, Iran, and Saudi Arabia necessitate rapid military development to safeguard Iraq’s political position.

This Iraqi reality and need are not hidden from Washington. However, the major challenge lies in convincing it to assist in meeting these needs and strengthening Iraq’s military structure amid USconstraints and reservations, which are unlikely to retreat from ensuring Israel’s dominance on one hand and weakening Tehran and its allies on the other, a dilemma that continues to exhaust Iraq and its attempts to advance on multiple levels.