Thursday, March 27, 2025
BAGHDAD IS OFFICIALLY OUTSIDE THE “AXIS OF RESISTANCE”…AND THE US WANTS “ZERO IRAN” IN IRAQ. WITH COMMENTS OF MNT GOAT, 27 MARCH
BAGHDAD IS OFFICIALLY OUTSIDE THE “AXIS OF RESISTANCE”…AND THE US WANTS “ZERO IRAN” IN IRAQ.
(Can it get any clearer what the Trump policy is towards Iran?)
Abdul Mahdi arranges the deportation of the Houthis, and the factions remain silent.
Baghdad is working on “three lines” to avoid potential Israeli strikes, according to the Iraqi Foreign Ministry.
An Iraqi politician reveals the content of “non-negotiable” American messages sent to Baghdad, including cutting off funding to the Houthis.
Parliament is expected to begin preparations for the “dissolution of the factions” in a session on Monday, which will discuss the “restructuring of the Popular Mobilization Forces.” The “restructuring” includes a confirmation of a previous decision taken six years ago, stipulating the separation of “the Popular Mobilization Forces from any political entity,” making it a more clearly state-affiliated institution.
According to information obtained by Al-Mada, it is believed that the restructuring law “would not have been discussed were it not for the recent changes that took place in the region.”
The executive order issued in 2019, which would be the nucleus of the “restructuring of the Popular Mobilization Forces,” was rejected by several factions.
Over the past three weeks, Shiite political parties have insisted on prioritizing the “restructuring of the Popular Mobilization Forces” over the “Popular Mobilization Service and Retirement Law.” Two weeks ago, Prime Minister Mohammed al-Sudani decided to withdraw the “service and retirement” law from parliament, instead sending a restructuring law.
Parliament published the agenda for today’s session, Monday, after a work stoppage for more than a month. The agenda includes seven paragraphs, including the restructuring of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), or the so-called “Popular Mobilization Forces Authority Law.
” Suspicions circulate around the PMF regarding the presence of “alien” elements, according to former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. There are also doubts about the PMF’s salaries and the “number of members,” according to MP Adnan al-Zurfi.
According to information, the government is trying to “control the PMF and organize it institutionally.”
This information confirms that “this appears to be an attempt to block any accusations against this group (the PMF) that it is outside the law.”
This movement is linked to the negotiations announced by the government more than a month ago with “three or four factions” to disarm them. The results of these negotiations have not yet been announced.
Neutrality…
In contrast, Baghdad is seeking, through the “second track,” to prevent factions from interfering in the war that appears to have returned in Gaza, Yemen, and southern Lebanon. So far, no known Iraqi faction has announced intervention in response to the new Israeli or American attacks in the region.
Three unknown Iraqi armed groups have announced targeting American interests after “strikes on the Houthis,” but no incident has been recorded so far.
The appearance in Yemen of Adel Abdul Mahdi, the former prime minister known for his closeness to the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), is believed to be related to the “second track.”
Abdul Mahdi is believed to have arrived in Yemen on March 20, while the Houthis escalated attacks on Israel on the 18th and 20th of this month. Several reports have suggested “scenarios” for Abdul Mahdi’s presence with Houthi leaders:
one related to “coordination of the unity of the arenas,” a principle established by Iran in recent wars in the region; or the possibility that Abdul Mahdi was carrying a message from the United States to Yemen regarding the situation in the Red Sea.
Or that Baghdad is working to “expel the Houthis” from the country, which is the most widely circulated scenario domestically.
This development coincided with news of the “closure of a Houthi headquarters” in Baghdad, which had been revealed a year earlier. On March 20, Iraq’s Joint Operations Command denied reports that the Houthis were using a training camp in Iraq.
Reports indicated that the Houthis were using a training camp in the Khalis district of Diyala Governorate to receive training and support there.
Washington began a military escalation against the Houthis on March 15.
On June 13 of last year, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, the leader of the Ansar Allah group (also known as the Houthis), announced that they were working with the “Islamic Resistance in Iraq” to launch attacks against Israel from the Golan Heights.
That same year, local media reported that the Houthi group had opened a “representation” in Baghdad, days after the group’s representative in Iraq, Abu Idris al-Sharafi, who has resided in Iraq since 2016, visited Hashd sites.
“We are not an axis of resistance.”
On the third track, Baghdad is trying to convince the United States that it is not part of the “axis of resistance,” according to Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein.
In a television interview, Hussein stressed that “Iraq does not accept ‘unity of arenas,’ and its constitution prohibits waging war against anyone by unilateral decision.”
Hussein attacked Iraqi armed factions, saying that “what they have done for months has greatly harmed Iraq and has not benefited the Palestinian cause.”
Unusually, neither the factions nor political forces close to those groups have commented on Hussein’s recent statements. According to the minister, “there is an opportunity to reach an understanding with the armed factions to spare them and Iraq the risks that could result from a military strike by external parties, such as America or Israel.
” Hussein warned that “Iran could be the target of an Israeli attack if it fails to reach an agreement with the new US administration.” He said, “This means that disaster will befall Iraq and the region.”
Tehran has so far rejected US messages to engage in “negotiations” on the nuclear issue. Politician and former MP Mithal Alusi says that “the political forces in Iraq are unaware of the coming danger, and may be playing the roles drawn for them by Iran.”
Washington’s Messages
In an interview with Al-Mada, Al-Alusi criticized Baghdad’s negotiating role with the United States, revealing the “existence of mediators” close to the ruling parties, separate from the “Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
” Al-Alusi asserted that the “mediators,” who, according to the former MP, are advisors, received decisive messages from Washington, stating:
1 – Zero Dollar: No dollars are allowed to flow to Iran, regardless of the pretext, cover, or means.
2 – Zero Oil: No Iraqi oil is allowed to flow to Iran, and no Iranian oil is allowed to be exported in Iraq’s name or mixed with Iraqi oil and marketed in the Gulf or anywhere else.
3 – Iraq will never fund, deal with, train, or shelter Hezbollah, Hamas, or the Houthis.
Al-Alusi asserted that the United States informed the Iraqi government that “$3.4 billion” is being transferred annually to Iran via funds allocated to the Popular Mobilization Forces, and this must be stopped.
(Mnt Goat-Who’s funding the terrorists? My jaw dropped when I heard these figures. No confusion now about the corruption from Iran on Iraq.)
The former MP points out that the United States considers the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) to be affiliated with Iran, and that “Washington does not use the term ‘factions’.”
Al-Alusi questioned the Coordination Framework’s ability to maneuver and remain in the political equation until the next elections, stressing that “there is no room for maneuver with Trump as there was under the previous administration (Joe Biden).”
The former MP warned of a “great danger” threatening Iraq, as “Trump treats Iraq as a peripheral state implementing Iran’s will.”
(Mnt Goat-All I can say after reading this article is what I said way back in 2017. These Iranian militia left behind in Iraq after the ISIS was must leave Iraq along with their puppet Iranian politicians. This is what the US wants. Well…you can read for yourself the three main conditions Trump is imposing upon Iraq.)
NADER FROM MID EAST: RECOVERY OF THE IRAQI DINAR
NADER FROM MID EAST: RECOVERY OF THE IRAQI DINAR
Summary
In a recent interview with Economy News, economic adviser and banker Samir al-Nusari shared optimistic forecasts regarding Iraq’s economic landscape by 2025. He stated that with foreign cash reserves projected to exceed $108 billion and 163 tons of gold,
Iraq’s economy is set to witness a strong recovery that would sustain import coverage for 18 months. Al-Nusari highlighted that the local currency’s export value has reached 100 trillion dinars,
indicating a gradual rebound of the Iraqi dinar towards the Central Bank’s target exchange rate against the US dollar. He emphasized the steady advancements being made by Iraqi banks, which are aligning with the Central Bank’s strategy focused on reform, development, and digital transformation. Currently,
20 Iraqi banks maintain banking relationships and accounts with international banks, facilitating external transfers in multiple foreign currencies, especially notable as Iraq moves towards enhanced financial integration post the planned transition off the electronic platform by the end of 2024.
- 🚀 Economic Optimism: Samir al-Nusari predicts a robust Iraqi economy by 2025, buoyed by significant foreign reserves and gold.
- 💵 Local Currency Surge: The value of exported local currency has reached 100 trillion dinars, signaling economic rejuvenation.
- 📈 Target Balance Exchange Rate: The Iraqi dinar is showing signs of recovery, aiming to align with the Central Bank’s targeted balance rate against the US dollar.
- 🏦 Banking Advancements: Iraqi banks are enhancing their capabilities, in line with the Central Bank’s strategic reforms and digital initiatives.
- 🌍 International Banking Relations: There are currently 20 Iraqi banks engaged in banking relations with international entities, crucial for external financial dealings.
- 📅 End of Electronic Platform Transition: The anticipated phase-out of the electronic platform by the end of 2024 marks a significant milestone for the Iraqi banking sector.
- 🔄 Multi-Currency Transactions: Iraqi banks are diversifying their operations to handle transactions in multiple foreign currencies.
Key Insights
💪 Economic Forecasting as a Strategic Tool: Al-Nusari’s positive economic forecasts underscore the critical need for accurate economic forecasting in national planning. By identifying key indicators - such as foreign cash reserves and gold holdings - national and local stakeholders can steer strategic policies to facilitate growth and economic stability. As Iraq aims towards recovery, understanding these economic metrics will be key for attracting foreign investment and fostering business confidence.
📊 Impact of Local Currency Health: The reported increase in the value of exported local currency reflects a restoration in economic activity and consumer confidence. A robust currency not only stabilizes the economy but also enhances purchasing power for imports and investment in sectors such as infrastructure and health. Consequently, this rejuvenation of the dinar not only supports local businesses but also works towards reducing inflationary pressures.
🔄 Evolution of the Banking Sector: The mention of the Central Bank’s strategy in promoting reform and digital transformation is significant. It emphasizes the shift towards modern banking practices which can provide Iraq with the tools to engage more transparently and fluidly in global markets. Transitioning banking services to digital channels can enhance efficiency, reduce transaction costs, and improve customer accessibility.
🌐 Diversification of Banking Relationships: The engagement of 20 Iraqi banks with international banking entities indicates a strategic effort to reduce reliance on domestic financial mechanisms. This diversification enhances the credibility and reliability of Iraqi banks on an international scale, paving the way for better financing options and conditions which is critical for export-driven economies.
💡 Financial Inclusion and Accessibility: Al-Nusari’s comments indirectly hint at the importance of financial inclusion, particularly as banks transition away from electronic platforms. As Iraq’s banking sector innovates and develops, ensuring that smaller enterprises and the general population can access banking services will be integral to overall economic growth. Enhanced accessibility can lead to increased savings rates and investment opportunities.
🚀 Positioning for Future Growth: With the target reset in motion for the Iraqi dinar, Iraq is poised for economic advancement through strategic positioning in financial markets. The resilience shown by the banking sector amid fluctuating economic conditions may serve as a template for businesses to follow, emphasizing adaptability and response to global economic shifts.
📅 Strategic Planning for Transition: The upcoming transition from the electronic banking platform reinforces the necessity for robust strategic planning. This change not only sets the stage for improved banking practices but also prepares the economy for further integration into the global financial system. Stakeholders must ensure that the transition is seamless and that all associated challenges are adequately addressed to maximize benefits.
By fostering positive economic indicators, enhancing banking capabilities, and aligning with international standards, Iraq is on a path towards sustainable growth and financial stability, which is crucial for the empowerment of its economy and the wellbeing of its citizens. Through ongoing assessments and adjustments in response to market conditions, the Iraqi economic landscape has the potential to not only recover but also thrive in the foreseeable future.
WHAT DOES THE UNITED STATES MEAN BY REAL SECURITY REFORM IN IRAQ?, 27 MARCH
WHAT DOES THE UNITED STATES MEAN BY REAL SECURITY REFORM IN IRAQ?
The complex security situation in Iraq is a natural consequence of any country facing occupation, as it becomes a hub and haven for various armed and extremist organizations with deviant ideologies, which in turn leads to a state of security instability. Although the United States views the presence of its forces in Iraq as part of its national security strategy, any security issue related to Iraq inevitably overlaps with this presence.
Iraq is witnessing a conflict between international and regional security visions. The United States is focused on achieving its own goals by addressing the Iraqi security situation, but it is not prioritizing the security of the Iraqi citizen himself, which exacerbates the country’s societal security problems.
Iran, on the other hand, views Iraqi security from a completely different perspective, seeking to end the American presence there and ensure its control in a way that serves its national security and bolsters its regional influence in Iraq and other countries such as Yemen and Lebanon. Iraq’s security services are in a fragile balance between the various forces that support them.
For example, the United States has provided significant support to the Counter-Terrorism Service, particularly in the areas of intelligence, training, and consulting, making it one of the most effective security institutions in the country.
In contrast, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) have emerged as a major military and security entity, possessing extensive military and intelligence capabilities and demonstrating their effectiveness in combating armed groups.
The greatest challenge facing Iraqi security now is the US-Iranian conflict, whose features have been imprinted on Iraq’s security landscape.
The consequences of this conflict cannot be ignored or avoided in any form, especially now that every country sees itself as having priority in influencing the situation inside Iraq.
Regarding the regional landscape, the complexities of the situation in Syria and the efforts of some parties to overthrow Bashar al-Assad’s regime have contributed to deepening threats and increasing security concerns in the region in general, and in Iraq in particular. Regional political and security transformations carry international dimensions, with interests intertwined and sometimes conflicting, depending on the demands of “political interests.”
Today, Iraq is experiencing a security situation that oscillates between conflicting international and regional perspectives, with each country approaching Iraqi security according to its own vision. The United States has a predetermined vision of what Iraqi security should look like to serve its interests, while Iran seeks to secure its strategic influence and strengthen its ties with pro-Iranian factions within Iraq. But we, as Iraqis, aspire to achieve stable security that serves the interests of the people, independent of foreign agendas.
Our vision for security must be clear: Iraq’s security comes first and foremost.
We must cooperate with any party that serves this interest, provided this does not infringe upon our national sovereignty or prioritize the interests of one state over another.
Ultimately, we cannot accept America’s vision for Iraqi security if it is based on deep interference in the structure of our security services and directing them to serve its own interests. This is illogical and unacceptable.
Nevertheless, we urgently need the support of our international friends and partners, provided that this support is balanced and respects Iraq’s sovereignty, and does not place the interests of one party at the expense of another.
Accordingly, the security and strategic relations between Iraq and the United States will remain fraught with complexities and challenges, due to the sensitive reality in Iraq and the conflicting interests of major and regional powers.
DISTRIBUTING OIL REVENUES TO IRAQIS: “ECONOMIC COLLAPSE INEVITABLE WITHIN TWO YEARS”, 27 MARCH
DISTRIBUTING OIL REVENUES TO IRAQIS: “ECONOMIC COLLAPSE INEVITABLE WITHIN TWO YEARS”
Controversy is escalating in Iraq over lawsuits filed by citizens demanding their share of oil revenues. An expert has warned of the disastrous economic consequences of such demands, asserting that direct distribution of oil revenues would lead to the collapse of the Iraqi economy within just one year.
Oil revenues for 2024 are estimated at $90 billion, while non-oil revenues are estimated at only $13 billion, barely enough to cover the government’s electricity, gas, and ration card purchases, expert Nabil al-Marsoumi told Shafaq News Agency.
He emphasized that demands to distribute oil revenues to citizens ignore economic realities. Allocating all oil revenues would deplete the central bank’s cash reserves, forcing the government to resort to deficit financing, or “printing money,” to pay employee and pensioner salaries and social security, which total $70 billion annually, in addition to operating and investment expenses, which total no less than $30 billion annually.
Al-Marsoumi add ed that this approach would lead to rampant inflation and a collapse in the exchange rate of the Iraqi dinar after its flotation, thus plunging the country into a stifling economic crisis within just one year.
However, if half of the oil revenues were distributed, the collapse would occur within two years, according to Al-Marsoumi, who concluded with a sarcastic question: “Isn’t this enough fooling around?”
This statement comes amid l awsuits filed by dozens of Iraqis before the courts of appeal, citing Article 111 of the constitution, which states that “oil and gas are the property of all the Iraqi people in all regions and governorates.”
Legal experts believe these lawsuits involve complex details, noting that national wealth is managed for the benefit of citizens through public services rather than direct cash distribution, a fact confirmed by previous economic experiences in other countries.
On the other hand, some citizens believe that these demands reflect a general dissatisfaction with the performance of successive Iraqi governments in managing wealth, and some have threatened to join these lawsuits if they achieve any positive results.
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