Monday, July 6, 2026

🇮🇶🏛️ Another Step Toward Stability? Why This Matters for Iraq's Future

 CHANNEL 8

In a recent interview with al-Hadath, Iraqi President Nizar Amedi emphasized a renewed commitment to national unity and called for addressing long-standing political challenges with a new approach.

He stressed that combating corruption remains a non-negotiable, continuous, and decisive national priority, while reaffirming the importance of ensuring that weapons remain exclusively under state authority.
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🇮🇶🏛️ Another Step Toward Stability? Why This Matters for Iraq's Future

In a recent interview, Iraqi President Nizar Amedi reaffirmed three key national priorities:

✅ Strengthening national unity.

⚖️ Continuing the fight against corruption with no compromise.

🛡️ Ensuring that all weapons remain exclusively under the authority of the Iraqi state.

These may sound like political statements, but they address some of the very issues that international institutions and investors have long viewed as essential for Iraq's long-term stability.

A stronger rule of law, less corruption, and a government with full authority over security all contribute to a healthier investment climate and a stronger economy.

For those of us following Iraq's monetary reforms and hoping to see the Iraqi dinar eventually reinstated, this is encouraging because political and security stability are foundational pieces of any major economic transformation.

A stronger currency is built on more than central bank policy—it also depends on stable institutions, investor confidence, effective governance, and a secure environment for economic growth.

While these remarks do not confirm any imminent change in the value or status of the Iraqi dinar, they do suggest that Iraq's leadership continues to focus on reforms that many believe are necessary before major monetary milestones can be achieved.

Every step toward stronger governance helps build the foundation for Iraq's future.

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RV Process Highlights Community Perspective #IQD #dinarrevaluation #dinaresgurus

 

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Sunday, July 5, 2026

🇮🇶📈 Closer Than Ever? Iraq's Economic Foundation Comes First

  Mnt Goat  I believe we are closer than ever for the dinar to get reinstated. But first things first...certain laws in Iraq must be passed.

 Certainly, reviving the economy to at least 45%-50% non-oil revenues could make a huge difference for Iraq and the IMF.

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🇮🇶📈 Closer Than Ever? Iraq's Economic Foundation Comes First

I believe Iraq may be closer than ever to seeing the Iraqi dinar reinstated. However, before any major monetary milestone can occur, the country must continue strengthening its legal and economic foundation.

🏛️ First things first: Several key laws still need to be passed and fully implemented. These reforms are important because they provide the legal framework for investment, banking, energy, and long-term economic stability.

💼 Another critical factor is economic diversification.

For decades, Iraq has depended heavily on oil revenues to fund its government. That model leaves the country vulnerable to fluctuations in global oil prices. Building a stronger private sector and expanding non-oil industries would create a more balanced and resilient economy.

📊 If Iraq can increase non-oil revenues to around 45%–50% of total government income, it would represent a major structural shift. Such progress would demonstrate that Iraq is becoming less dependent on oil and more capable of sustaining long-term economic growth.

🌍 From the perspective of international institutions such as the IMF, a diversified economy is generally viewed as more stable because it generates multiple sources of revenue, attracts foreign investment, strengthens public finances, and reduces economic risk.

🏦 A stronger economy also supports a stronger currency. Confidence in the Iraqi dinar ultimately depends not only on monetary policy but also on economic fundamentals—productive industries, investment, banking reforms, fiscal discipline, and a growing private sector.

While no one can predict the exact timing of future monetary decisions, Iraq appears to be moving through many of the structural reforms that economists have long considered important for long-term financial stability.

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🇮🇶💵 A Shift in Confidence? Iraqis Are Selling Dollars and Returning to the Dinar

 Frank26    My [Iraqi] friends who were desperately looking for American dollars...to buy just to survive are now willing to trade in those same American dollars.  It was an overnight kind of a thing...This whole monetary reform is dynamic.  It's fluid. 

 It's constantly evolving...Iraqi citizens are now willing to turn in their dollars...to get the three zero notes back.  Knowledge is powerful...They know they're going to turn them in and they're going to get purchasing power through the lower notes. 

Clare  Article: "Dinar Surges Against Dollar as Kurdistan Traders Predict Further Parallel Market Drops

 Quote: "The Iraqi dinar gained ground against the US dollar, with the parallel market rate strengthening to 154,250 dinars per $100 after coming down from a high of 157,000 dinars last week...Local currency traders attribute the market shift directly to stabilization assurances issued by the Central Bank...citizens are reversing previous trends by selling U.S. dollars for Iraqi dinars."

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🇮🇶💵 A Shift in Confidence? Iraqis Are Selling Dollars and Returning to the Dinar

One of the most interesting developments in Iraq right now may not be the exchange rate itself—it may be the changing mindset of the Iraqi people.

For a long time, many Iraqis viewed the U.S. dollar as the safest place to protect their purchasing power. During periods of uncertainty, demand for dollars increased as families sought stability.

Now, that trend appears to be reversing.

A recent statement shared this observation:

"My [Iraqi] friends who were desperately looking for American dollars... to buy just to survive are now willing to trade in those same American dollars. It was an overnight kind of a thing... Iraqi citizens are now willing to turn in their dollars... They know they're going to turn them in and they're going to get purchasing power through the lower notes."

Whether one agrees with every interpretation or not, the change in behavior described is noteworthy.

📰 A recent article reported that:

"The Iraqi dinar gained ground against the U.S. dollar... citizens are reversing previous trends by selling U.S. dollars for Iraqi dinars."

According to local currency traders, this shift follows stabilization assurances from the Central Bank of Iraq, helping restore confidence in the national currency.

📈 What does this mean?

✅ More demand for Iraqi dinars.

💵 More U.S. dollars entering the parallel market.

📉 Downward pressure on the dollar's parallel market rate.

🏦 Growing confidence in Iraq's national currency.

The article also noted that the parallel market improved to 154,250 IQD per $100, down from 157,000 IQD just one week earlier.

The biggest story may not be the numbers—it may be the psychology.

Monetary reforms depend not only on central bank policies but also on public confidence. When citizens begin choosing their own currency over a foreign one, it reflects an important change in market sentiment.

Of course, this does not confirm that any specific monetary reform step or lower denomination rollout is imminent. Those decisions can only come through official announcements from Iraq's monetary authorities.

Still, it is interesting to see current market behavior moving in the same direction described by those observing events inside Iraq.

👀 Confidence is one of the strongest foundations of any successful monetary reform.

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🇮🇶 Are Iraq’s Key Reform Topics Being Targeted by Recurring Rumors? If So, Why and Who Benefits? 🚨

 

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🇮🇶💰 Iraq’s Oil Revenues & US Financial System Link Since 2003 🚨

🇮🇶💰 Iraq’s Oil Revenues & US Financial System Link Since 2003 🚨

The news explains how the oil revenues of Iraq remain linked to the US financial system since 2003, following the invasion.


🔎 Main idea:

  • Iraqi oil revenues are deposited into accounts linked to the Federal Reserve Bank of New York 🏦🇺🇸

  • This system was originally created to protect funds from debt, lawsuits, and risks after the Saddam Hussein era ⚖️


🇺🇸 Control or protection?

There are two interpretations:

  • The Iraqi government and some experts say the US is only a “custodian” and protector of the funds 🤝

  • Others argue this may imply a level of indirect financial control over Iraq 🧭


📉 Current situation:

  • Iraq’s reserves have declined (although still strong) 📊

  • The country is heavily dependent on oil (~90% of state revenue) 🛢️

  • The IMF warns about fiscal risks without reforms ⚠️


⚖️ Core issue:

Iraq is still operating within a financial system created after 2003, and exiting it would require building strong institutions and alternative international mechanisms 🏗️🌍


💬 Summary:

Although officially the money belongs to Iraq, much of the oil revenue system still flows through US-linked financial structures, raising debate about Iraq’s true financial sovereignty 🇮🇶💭


🇮🇶💭 Additional reflection:

From my perspective, I see that Iraq is beginning to “wake up” and implement economic reforms aimed at reducing its dependence on the financial system established in 2003. That is why I also see a growing interest in diversifying the economy and looking for income sources beyond oil 🌱📉

For me, all of this is tied to a broader goal of economic sovereignty: having greater control over its resources, strengthening its institutions, and reducing external dependency 🏛️💪

In this context, I also consider more speculative ideas about possible future monetary changes, including concepts like systems directly linked to energy resources (for example, “petro-dinar” type theories). I understand these are interpretations and scenarios discussed in certain circles, not officially confirmed plans 🔍

Still, for those of us closely following Iraq’s evolution, these developments make me feel like the country is entering a deep transformation phase 🔄🇮🇶 So I keep connecting the dots… but always trying to separate facts from speculation.

Against all of this, and considering Iraq’s desire to exit this financial system, it would not be illogical for me to think about a potential project related to the implementation of a “Petro-Dinar” in the near future… let’s keep connecting the dots Dianarians!! This is getting better than a Mexican telenovela 📺🔥🇮🇶


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🇮🇶🔥 #Iraq #OilRevenues #CBI #USFinancialSystem #EconomicReform #Sovereignty #MiddleEast #Geopolitics #Finance #IQD #Dinar #InvestmentTalk #EnergyEconomy #PetroDinar #BreakingNews

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Iraq's oil revenues under US financial guard 23 years after invasion

President Donald Trump's renewal in May 2026 of the national emergency on Iraq passed with little fanfare in Washington, the twenty-third such extension since 2003. Inside Iraq, it reopened a recurring dispute: whether the United States holds Iraqi oil money, or merely guards it. A fresh parliamentary inquiry to the oil ministry, demanding answers on a reported export deal with Washington, has pushed that dispute back into public view and exposed how little has changed in more than two decades.


The financial arrangement dates to the weeks following the 2003 invasion. UN Security Council Resolution 1483, adopted on May 22, 2003, required Iraq's oil and gas export revenues to be deposited into the Development Fund for Iraq, with 5% set aside for reparations to Kuwait. In practice, the fund was held at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York under international oversight. The same day, President George W. Bush issued Executive Order 13303, shielding the fund and Iraqi oil revenues from legal attachment to protect reconstruction money from creditors pursuing claims dating to Saddam Hussein's era.


Read more: Iraq diversifies reserves beyond US treasuries


Mohammed Al-Hasani, a financial expert, told Shafaq News that the structure protects Iraqi money rather than appropriating it. Export revenues are deposited at the Federal Reserve under the management of the Central Bank of Iraq, he said, a setup whose purpose is “to shield the funds from lawsuits and asset-freezing abroad, not to place them at Washington's disposal.” The annual renewal, in his reading, is procedural. The money stays Iraq's and finances the state budget once the required financial steps are complete. 


He noted that all of the Central Bank's external accounts currently sit at the Federal Reserve, and that in modern history the United States has never seized central bank deposits held there.


The extraordinary legal shield created after the 2003 invasion was largely dismantled in 2014. President Barack Obama's Executive Order 13668 ended the seizure protections that had covered the Development Fund for Iraq, Iraqi oil revenues, and the Central Bank of Iraq's accounts. But the national emergency declared in 2003 survived that change and has been renewed by every US president since. What began as a temporary postwar safeguard has become a standing emergency framework that no administration has chosen to end.


Read more: 2026 budget: Iraq confronts unprecedented fiscal strain


For Nawar Al-Saadi, a professor of international economics, that persistence is the real story. The renewal imposes no new American tutelage, he told Shafaq News, but extends a legal framework rooted in 2003. Two decades on, remaining inside it sends a signal that Iraq's economy is still bound to a structure born of war. 


“The problem is not whether Washington is seizing the money but why Iraq still depends on external protection for its own assets, and what that says about the completeness of its financial sovereignty,” he said, pointing to the task ahead, which is “building legal and financial institutions strong enough to let Iraq leave the arrangement while keeping its assets shielded abroad.”


Iraq’s foreign currency reserves stood at $97.433 billion at the end of 2025, down from $100.367 billion a year earlier and $111.736 billion in 2023, according to Central Bank of Iraq figures. The reserves remain large, covering roughly a year of imports, but the buffer has narrowed as fiscal pressures grow. Much of Iraq’s oil-dollar system still runs through US-linked financial channels, giving Baghdad less room to manage its dollar liquidity freely.


The IMF warned in May 2024 that without policy adjustment, Iraq’s risk of medium-term sovereign debt stress was high. At the time, the Fund highlighted that Iraq’s fiscal breakeven oil price had climbed to around $84 a barrel in 2024 from $54 in 2020, underscoring the severe strain on a state where oil provides about 90% of government revenue.

Read more: Economic rationale for Washington’s continued retention of Iraq’s oil revenues in federal reserve accounts


Saudi Arabia shows what an exit looks like. Its central bank, SAMA, held $746 billion in reserves at a 2014 peak; by December 2023 those holdings had fallen to $434.6 billion, as Riyadh shifted assets into the Public Investment Fund and the National Development Fund, which together manage hundreds of billions in diversified global holdings. Saudi oil money increasingly moves through vehicles that answer to Riyadh, not to New York. Iraq has built no comparable channel.


Hussein Al-Askari, an Iraqi economic analyst, told Shafaq News that all proceeds from Iraqi oil sales land in the Federal Reserve account rather than in any bank inside Iraq. That account, he said, falls under US administration and Treasury oversight, and the yearly renewal of the emergency keeps Washington's hold on the framework intact. Where Al-Hasani sees custody, Al-Askari sees control, a gap that the official answer does little to close.

The renewed parliamentary inquiry reflects the same unease. The questions put to the oil ministry, pressing for detail on a reported plan to supply the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve and to create a joint energy fund, signal a governing Coordination Framework under domestic pressure to show independence from Washington.


Read more: Iraq's energy vulnerability: When apetro-state has no buffer

Exiting the Federal Reserve arrangement would require more than a political decision. Iraq cannot move its reserves to London or Tokyo without first securing the same protection from seizure that the current setup provides, which means finding other central banks or international institutions willing to guarantee it, and absorbing the costs of the switch. A government consumed by coalition management and falling oil prices has shown no appetite for that work.


Written and edited by Shafaq News staff.

🇮🇶💥 Iraq Security Deadline, Rumors, and Rising Tensions 🚨🔥: Iraq's September 30 weapons deadline leaves terms of disarmament unresolved

🇮🇶💥 Iraq Security Deadline, Rumors, and Rising Tensions 🚨🔥

The key issue now is security 🇮🇶⚠️.

 A reported deadline to fully disarm militias and address armed factions is set for September 2026 📅, while Al-Zaidi is expected to present his plan to President Trump 🇺🇸 during his Washington visit in mid-July ✈️🏛️.

Interestingly 🤔, a Contact at the Central Bank of Iraq mentioned by MNT GOAT stated:


"The key issue now is security. A reported deadline to fully disarm militias and deal with armed factions is September 2026, while Al-Zaidi is expected to present his plan to President Trump during his Washington visit in mid-July." 📊🇮🇶 ..READ MORE:

 🚨🏦 CBI Contact: The Plan Is Still Moving Forward 🇮🇶 


This adds another layer to the ongoing discussions around Iraq’s future, where security, politics, and economic reform seem deeply connected 🔗💰.


🇮🇶💭 My perspective:

Curiously, this aligns with a pattern where security developments and reform discussions move in parallel. If this timeline is accurate, it could signal that Iraq is entering a more structured phase of state consolidation and negotiation rather than uncertainty 📈⚖️.


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🇮🇶💥 #Iraq #Baghdad #KRG #SecurityReform #Disarmament #CBI #MNTGOAT #MiddleEast #Geopolitics #EconomicReform #Sovereignty #BreakingNews #IraqNews #Stability

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Iraq's September 30 weapons deadline leaves terms of disarmament unresolved

Iraq's September 30 weapons deadline leaves terms of disarmament unresolved
2026-07-02 17:45

Shafaq News

Iraq has set September 30 as the final date for surrendering weapons held “outside state institutions” and a committee now exists to fold the armed factions into the security forces and move their arms to state custody. Whose weapons move, under whose command, and what becomes of those who refuse remain unsettled.

Read more: Iraq to place armed factions' weapons under state control: What we know so far

September 30 also closes the US-led coalition against ISIS, and the overlap is deliberate. Government spokesman Haider al-Aboudi has bound the two events together, warning that any weapon outside the state framework after that date “becomes unregulated” and open to legal treatment. The alignment aims at the argument that has kept some factional weapons in place for two decades: that they answer a foreign military presence on Iraqi soil. End the presence, and the rationale is supposed to end with it.

Read more: Iraq after the Global Coalition: Between sovereignty and strategic risk

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi has built his program around that logic. A businessman and banker from Dhi Qar with no prior senior office, he took power in May 2026 as the compromise candidate of the Coordination Framework, the Shia bloc that dominates parliament, and did so with  Washington'sopen backing. The Framework has since authorized him to pursue a state monopoly on arms and to sever the Popular Mobilization Forces from party and political attachments. That umbrella, state-funded and formally part of the security apparatus, absorbed most of the Shia armed groups after ISIS overran northern Iraq in 2014, yet its Iran-aligned components have kept operating on their own terms.

Read more: EXPLAINER: From the fight against ISIS to US withdrawal talks

Muqtada al-Sadr, the head of the Patriotic Shiite Movement, opened the current phase when he detached the Saraya al-Salam from his movement in late May and placed it under state command. Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib Imam Ali followed with steps to hand parts of their PMF-registered formations to the government, and the Commander-in-Chief's spokesman, Sabah al-Numan, announced a committee ordered by al-Zaidi to build the integration mechanisms and transfer weapons, equipment, and bases to the competent authorities. Al-Zaidi has said the bulk of factional arms already sits under state custody, with a small remainder awaiting a transfer mechanism.

Read more: What does Iraq's new government promise? A guide to Ali Al-Zaidi's ministerial program

The compliance is uneven, and the resistance is concentrated among the groups closest to Tehran. Kataib Hezbollah, Harakat al-Nujaba, and Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada have refused to enter the process, holding to what they call resistance weapons and pinning any move on external conditions, chief among them the presence of foreign forces.

Mustafa Ajeel, a security researcher, reads the September 30 date as engineered against the withdrawal schedule, “which makes the coming weeks pivotal for ending the justification for arms outside the state.” That justification does not dissolve on its own, and the factions weighing it disagree sharply on what the deadline requires of them.

Ahmed Adnan, a member of the Sadiqoon Movement, the political wing of Asaib Ahl al-Haq under Qais al-Khazali, rejects the framing of surrender outright. What is underway, he told Shafaq News, is confining the decision to use force to the state rather than stripping the factions of their weapons, which remain inside the PMF. 

He casts the effort as “a national, religious, and political undertaking that must reach every faction without exemption” and treats the coalition's departure as the opening for a broader reckoning over the future of these arms rather than its conclusion.

Adnan al-Kinani, a security and political expert, draws the opposite line. The end of “the occupation” means armed resistance has run its course, leaving factions to choose full integration into the state or a shift into politics. He also locates the fault line inside the factional camp itself, between those who accept the government's course and those who reject it, “an internal division he argues must be resolved at the root rather than managed at the surface.”

That internal split is where the deadline meets its hardest test. Moain al-Kadhimi, a leader in the Badr Organization under Hadi al-Amiri, a close ally of Iran, ties the holdouts' compliance to "a complete and actual US withdrawal, along with guarantees against any return of American military action." Groups such as Kataib Hezbollah and Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada, he told Shafaq News, want firm assurances on that point before moving, and while the government can manage the security file, it needs a decisive political choice to carry it. 

Any final settlement, in his reading, rests on a balance of commitments between Baghdad and Washington and on full Iraqi sovereignty over its territory and airspace.

Read more: Iraq’s armed factions and the disarmament debate: Why unity masks deep divisions

The 2024 agreement between Baghdad and Washington sets that timeline. Its first phase closed in January 2026 with the end of combat missions, a partial pullback, and a shift toward bilateral security cooperation. The second phase runs to this September and ends the use of Iraqi bases to support operations in Syria, narrowing the relationship to limited advisory coordination. The framework gives the factions a fixed date to measure against, and it gives the holdouts a condition they can claim has not yet been met.

Enforcement is the gap the declared mechanism has not closed. A committee to integrate fighters and move weapons addresses the factions already inclined to cooperate. It says nothing about the ones refusing, and no announced procedure yet establishes who takes physical custody of their arms, how the PMF is restructured around “their resistance groups,” or what legal treatment means in practice for a group with parliamentary weight and armed capacity. Al-Kinani's warning about roots over surfaces lands here: “the deadline can be declared enforceable without being enforceable against the parties that matter most.”

Written and edited by Shafaq News staff.

https://shafaq.com/en/Report/Iraq-s-September-30-weapons-deadline-leaves-terms-of-disarmament-unresolved

🇮🇶🏛️ Another Step Toward Stability? Why This Matters for Iraq's Future

 CHANNEL 8 In a recent interview with al-Hadath, Iraqi President Nizar Amedi emphasized a renewed commitment to national unity and called fo...